DOI 10.24411\/2413-046\u0425-2019-10225<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0410\u0441\u043f\u0435\u043a\u0442\u044b \u043f\u0440\u043e\u0431\u043b\u0435\u043c\u044b \u0432\u0435\u0440\u0442\u0438\u043a\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u043c\u043e\u0431\u0438\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438 \u043a\u0430\u043a \u0444\u0430\u043a\u0442\u043e\u0440\u0430 \u044d\u043a\u043e\u043d\u043e\u043c\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0440\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0430<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Aspects of the problem\nof vertical social mobility as a factor of economic growth<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u041a\u043e\u043b\u0438\u043d \u042e\u0440\u0438\u0439 \u0412\u043b\u0430\u0434\u0438\u043c\u0438\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0438\u0447,<\/strong> \u043a\u0430\u043d\u0434\u0438\u0434\u0430\u0442 \u0444\u0438\u043b\u043e\u0441\u043e\u0444\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0445 \u043d\u0430\u0443\u043a, \u0434\u043e\u043a\u0442\u043e\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0442, \u043a\u0430\u0444\u0435\u0434\u0440\u0430 \u0442\u0435\u043e\u0440\u0438\u0438 \u043a\u0443\u043b\u044c\u0442\u0443\u0440\u044b, \u0418\u043d\u0441\u0442\u0438\u0442\u0443\u0442 \u0444\u0438\u043b\u043e\u0441\u043e\u0444\u0438\u0438 \u0438 \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e-\u043f\u043e\u043b\u0438\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0445 \u043d\u0430\u0443\u043a, \u042e\u0436\u043d\u044b\u0439 \u0444\u0435\u0434\u0435\u0440\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u044b\u0439 \u0443\u043d\u0438\u0432\u0435\u0440\u0441\u0438\u0442\u0435\u0442, \u0433. \u0420\u043e\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0432-\u043d\u0430-\u0414\u043e\u043d\u0443, rostovchanin-rostov@rambler.ru<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kolin Yuri Vladimirovich,<\/strong> PhD in Philosophy, Doctoral student, the department of cultural theory, Institute of Philosophy, Social and Political Sciences Southern Federal University, Rostov-on-Don, rostovchanin-rostov@rambler.ru<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0410\u043d\u043d\u043e\u0442\u0430\u0446\u0438\u044f: <\/strong>\u0412 \u0441\u0442\u0430\u0442\u044c\u0435 \u0432\u043f\u0435\u0440\u0432\u044b\u0435\n\u043f\u0440\u043e\u0430\u043d\u0430\u043b\u0438\u0437\u0438\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0430\u043d\u044b \u0430\u0441\u043f\u0435\u043a\u0442\u044b \u0432\u043b\u0438\u044f\u043d\u0438\u044f \u0443\u0440\u043e\u0432\u043d\u044f \u0432\u0435\u0440\u0442\u0438\u043a\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u043c\u043e\u0431\u0438\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438 \u043d\u0430\n\u043f\u0435\u0440\u0441\u043f\u0435\u043a\u0442\u0438\u0432\u044b \u044d\u043a\u043e\u043d\u043e\u043c\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0440\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0430. \u0410\u043a\u0442\u0443\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u044c \u043f\u0440\u043e\u0431\u043b\u0435\u043c\u044b \u0443\u0441\u0438\u043b\u0435\u043d\u0438\u044f \u0432\u0435\u0440\u0442\u0438\u043a\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439\n\u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u043c\u043e\u0431\u0438\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438 \u0437\u0430\u043a\u043b\u044e\u0447\u0430\u0435\u0442\u0441\u044f \u0432 \u0435\u0435 \u0432\u043b\u0438\u044f\u043d\u0438\u0438 \u043d\u0430 \u0443\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0435\u043d\u044c \u043e\u0431\u0449\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0435\u043d\u043d\u043e\u0439\n\u043f\u043e\u043b\u044f\u0440\u0438\u0437\u0430\u0446\u0438\u0438 \u0432 \u0443\u0441\u043b\u043e\u0432\u0438\u044f\u0445 \u0432\u044b\u0441\u043e\u043a\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0443\u0440\u043e\u0432\u043d\u044f \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0433\u043e \u043d\u0435\u0440\u0430\u0432\u0435\u043d\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0430 \u0432 \u0420\u043e\u0441\u0441\u0438\u0438. \u0426\u0435\u043b\u044c\u044e\n\u0438\u0441\u0441\u043b\u0435\u0434\u043e\u0432\u0430\u043d\u0438\u044f \u0441\u043b\u0443\u0436\u0438\u0442 \u0430\u043d\u0430\u043b\u0438\u0437 \u0443\u0440\u043e\u0432\u043d\u044f \u0432\u0435\u0440\u0442\u0438\u043a\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u043c\u043e\u0431\u0438\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438 \u043a\u0430\u043a\n\u043e\u043f\u043e\u0441\u0440\u0435\u0434\u043e\u0432\u0430\u043d\u043d\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0444\u0430\u043a\u0442\u043e\u0440\u0430, \u0432\u043b\u0438\u044f\u044e\u0449\u0435\u0433\u043e \u043d\u0430 \u043f\u0435\u0440\u0441\u043f\u0435\u043a\u0442\u0438\u0432\u044b \u044d\u043a\u043e\u043d\u043e\u043c\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0440\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0430 \u0432\n\u0420\u043e\u0441\u0441\u0438\u0438. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\u041c\u0435\u0442\u043e\u0434\u043e\u043b\u043e\u0433\u0438\u044f \u043e\u0441\u043d\u043e\u0432\u044b\u0432\u0430\u0435\u0442\u0441\u044f \u043d\u0430 \u0430\u043d\u0430\u043b\u0438\u0437\u0435\n\u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0433\u043e \u043d\u0435\u0440\u0430\u0432\u0435\u043d\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0430 \u0438 \u0432\u0435\u0440\u0442\u0438\u043a\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u043c\u043e\u0431\u0438\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438 \u043a\u0430\u043a \u0444\u0430\u043a\u0442\u043e\u0440\u043e\u0432,\n\u0432\u043b\u0438\u044f\u044e\u0449\u0438\u0445 \u043d\u0430 \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u0443\u044e \u0438\u043d\u0442\u0435\u0433\u0440\u0430\u0446\u0438\u044e \u0438 \u043e\u0431\u0449\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0435\u043d\u043d\u0443\u044e \u0441\u0442\u0430\u0431\u0438\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u044c. \u0423\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0435\u043d\u044c\n\u0432\u0435\u0440\u0442\u0438\u043a\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u043c\u043e\u0431\u0438\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438 \u0440\u0430\u0441\u0441\u043c\u0430\u0442\u0440\u0438\u0432\u0430\u0435\u0442\u0441\u044f \u0441 \u0442\u043e\u0447\u043a\u0438 \u0437\u0440\u0435\u043d\u0438\u044f \u0432\u043b\u0438\u044f\u043d\u0438\u044f \u043d\u0430\n\u044d\u043a\u043e\u043d\u043e\u043c\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0439 \u0440\u043e\u0441\u0442.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u041e\u0431\u043e\u0441\u043d\u043e\u0432\u0430\u043d\u0430 \u0437\u043d\u0430\u0447\u0438\u043c\u043e\u0441\u0442\u044c \u0441\u043e\u043a\u0440\u0430\u0449\u0435\u043d\u0438\u044f\n\u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0433\u043e \u043d\u0435\u0440\u0430\u0432\u0435\u043d\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0430 \u0438 \u0443\u0441\u0438\u043b\u0435\u043d\u0438\u044f \u0432\u0435\u0440\u0442\u0438\u043a\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u043c\u043e\u0431\u0438\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438 \u0432\n\u0443\u0441\u043b\u043e\u0432\u0438\u044f\u0445 \u0432\u044b\u0441\u043e\u043a\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0443\u0440\u043e\u0432\u043d\u044f \u043e\u0431\u0449\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0435\u043d\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u043f\u043e\u043b\u044f\u0440\u0438\u0437\u0430\u0446\u0438\u0438 \u0432 \u0420\u043e\u0441\u0441\u0438\u0438 \u0438 \u043d\u0438\u0437\u043a\u043e\u0433\u043e\n\u044d\u043a\u043e\u043d\u043e\u043c\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0440\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0430. \u0421\u0443\u0449\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0443\u0435\u0442 \u043d\u0435\u043e\u0431\u0445\u043e\u0434\u0438\u043c\u043e\u0441\u0442\u044c \u0434\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u0435\u0439\u0448\u0435\u0433\u043e \u0438\u0441\u0441\u043b\u0435\u0434\u043e\u0432\u0430\u043d\u0438\u044f \u0443\u0440\u043e\u0432\u043d\u044f\n\u0432\u0435\u0440\u0442\u0438\u043a\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u043c\u043e\u0431\u0438\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438 \u043a\u0430\u043a \u043e\u0434\u043d\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0438\u0437 \u0441\u0442\u0438\u043c\u0443\u043b\u043e\u0432 \u0443\u0441\u0438\u043b\u0435\u043d\u0438\u044f\n\u044d\u043a\u043e\u043d\u043e\u043c\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0440\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0430 \u0432 \u0420\u043e\u0441\u0441\u0438\u0438.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Summary: <\/strong>The article analyzes aspects of the influence of vertical social\nmobility and prospects for economic growth for the first time. The relevance of the problem of applying models of affirmative acts in Russia lies in\ntheir influence on the vertical social mobility, and economic growth in\nconditions of high social inequality and increasing trends in social\npolarization in Russia. Objective of the research is to analyze the\nprospects for affirmative acts in the context of its influence on the level of\nvertical social mobility, social integration and, as an indirect factor, on the\nprospects for economic growth in Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 Novelty of the\nresearch is the analysis of the policy of affirmative acts as a factor in\nincreasing the opportunities for social mobility as an indirect stimulus for\neconomic growth in Russia. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The methodology is based on the analysis of\nsocial inequality and vertical social mobility as factors affecting social\nintegration and social stability. The level of vertical social mobility considered\nin terms of influence on economic growth. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The author substantiates\nthe significance of social inequality and vertical social mobility in\nconditions of a high level of social polarization and low economic growth in\nRussia. The importance of affirmative acts is substantiated for stimulating\neconomic growth, reducing social inequality, developing social integration and\nstrengthening vertical social mobility in conditions of a high level of social\npolarization in Russia. There is a need for further research on vertical social\nmobility rate  as one of the incentives\nto increase economic growth in Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u041a\u043b\u044e\u0447\u0435\u0432\u044b\u0435 \u0441\u043b\u043e\u0432\u0430:<\/strong> \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0435 \u043d\u0435\u0440\u0430\u0432\u0435\u043d\u0441\u0442\u0432\u043e, \u0432\u0435\u0440\u0442\u0438\u043a\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u0430\u044f \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u0430\u044f \u043c\u043e\u0431\u0438\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u044c, \u044d\u043a\u043e\u043d\u043e\u043c\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0439 \u0440\u043e\u0441\u0442.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Keywords<\/strong>: social inequality, vertical social mobility, economic growth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

INTRODUCTION<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The international community has recognized the importance of social\ninequality by including it in the 2015 UN Sustainable Development Goals. Social\ninequality in the world has reached the stage when it has become a serious\nobstacle to development [5; 41; 47].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

OECD experts believe\nthat a significant lag in income growth of lower social groups from higher ones\nis currently a global trend (OESD, 2019)[40]. Nobel laureate J. Stiglitz argues\nthat in societies with a high level of social inequality there cannot be an\neffective functioning of its systems, since the highest social group\nconcentrates too much power and the actions of society in this case are aimed\nat the primary implementation of the interests of these groups, and not their\nown [20]. A high level of social\ninequality is an obstacle to the development of human capital, the functioning\nof social elevators, the development of the consumer market and dynamic\neconomic growth [41; 37].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Social inequality is\nincreasingly manifested not only in income inequality (a 1% increase in the\nwelfare of the poor and middle class gives a 0.38 % increase in GDP growth rates [4], but also in social and\ncultural constraints that don\u2019t allow immigrants from lower social groups climb\nthe social ladder and fulfil their potential.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is a growing\ntrend of concentration of world wealth in the hands of 1 % of the population,\nwhich actually controls world resources [41]. The closeness of higher social groups and the\nprevalence of various forms of nepotism, the development of plutocracy [1; 32] reduces the legitimacy\nof the elite, its competence and ability to adequately protect public interests\nand solve social problems. Income inequality is passed on to future generations\nin [33]. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The processes of social\npolarization build the border between the higher and lower social groups\nabsolute, lead to the erosion of the middle class [37] and the formation of the precariat, which is a new\nclass of humiliated and offended people, deprived of social rights and\nprospects of social advancement [19].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the work \u201cSociology\nof the Revolution\u201d, P. Sorokin believed\nthat the reason for both the February and October Revolutions was the inability\nof lower social groups to fulfil their needs, human potential due to the estate\nstructure of Russian society [18].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Currently the gap between the\nhigher and lower social groups in Russian society reaches 15 times, with a\ncontinuing trend of a decrease in the disposable income of the lower population\ngroups and an increase in the concentration of income in the higher social\ngroup [6; 4].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Russia, the social\ninequality problem is recognized both in\nthe May decrees of President Putin (2012) and the government, but no specific\nstrategy has yet been developed to solve it [4].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

THE PROBLEM OF SOCIAL INEQUALITY IN RUSSIA<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to\nresearchers, about 90 % of\nall property and financial resources of the Russian Federation are concentrated\nin the highest social group, comprising 3 % of the population, which exceeds the indicators of\n1905 [21; 24; 15].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The share of wealth\nowned by the top decile in Russia (actually 1 %) is 86 %, in\nBrazil \u2014 73 %, in\nthe USA \u2014 75%, in the UK \u2014 54% [43].\nAnalysts have argued that the level of social inequality in Russia is redundant\nand its structure has been stable since the early 2000s [16].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

10 % of the wealthiest citizens account for 82 % of all personal wealth in Russia, according to the\nGlobal Wealth Report (2018) prepared by Credit Suisse. In terms of the\nconcentration of wealth, Russia is ahead of the United States, where 10 % of the wealthiest citizens account for 76 % of the total personal income in the country. In\nChina, 10 % of the wealthiest citizens have 62 % of the total personal income of the population .<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The processes of social\npolarization has been going on in Russian society: contrary to the current\ntrend of a general decrease in disposable incomes of citizens [9], according to the Global Wealth Report (2016) study\nconducted by Credit Suisse Bank, the Russian Federation took third place in the\nworld (96 people) by the number of dollar billionaires, second only to the\nUnited States and China [17]. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Developing a social\nsystem in the openness and mobility direction, developing forms of social advancement of lower\nsocial groups representatives\nwithout bridging deep\nsocial gaps, the closed top group of the Russian business elite (3 % of the Russian population), which currently owns 90 %\nwealth of the entire\npopulation, becomes the main beneficiary of economic growth Russian property [24], which creates conditions for the instability of\nRussian society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

SOCIAL POLARIZATION AND VERTICAL\nSOCIAL MOBILITY: ASPECTS OF THE PROBLEM<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Within the framework of\nfree competition and the free market [49], the\nproblem of the closedness of the social hierarchy and the insurmountable border\nbetween higher and lower social groups cannot be solved as it can be seen from\nthe history examples. In history, this problem veriety of the social\npolarization has been reduced by administrative methods through state intervention.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The low level of\nvertical social mobility [37] does\nnot contribute to the development of human capital; a huge gap in income and\nproperty of higher and lower social groups is an indicator of the closedness of\nthe social system and contributes to low rates of economic growth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For social growth in\nthe post-industrial era, the level of human capital development [29], career growth, and the possibilities of creative\nself-realization of citizens become decisive. Successful stimulation of\neconomic growth requires the strengthening of vertical social mobility as one\nof the conditions for the development of human capital, renewal and increase\nthe diversity of the social system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to\nresearchers [35], the greatest efficiency of an organization is\npromoted not so much by increasing employee incomes as by increasing their\ninvolvement in the organization\u2019s activities, based on personal growth of\nemployees and career progression opportunities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Economic growth\nrequires career opportunities, a high level of vertical social mobility, strong\nsocial lifts, while, according to researchers, in modern society there are\ngender, social and national restrictions on vertical social mobility [40].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is a trend to increase social barriers between higher and lower\nsocial groups [33] and to build an insurmountable border between them,\nunless measures are taken at the state level to stimulate vertical social\nmobility of representatives of lower social groups.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is a global\nconflict between the society needs in\nthe development of human capital, social integration, the expansion of\nmechanisms for renewing the elite, the strengthening of economic growth drivers\nand the processes of social polarization, raising social barriers, the rigid\nhierarchical structure of modern society, which sets an insurmountable border\nfor the social progression of lower social groups representatives.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The high level of\nsocial inequality and the low level of vertical social mobility are largely determined by ineffective policies related to\nlower social groups, both from the state and private entities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

AFFIRMATIVE ACT PROGRAMS INWESTERN
\nCOUNTRIES AND THE USSR<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the forms of\nlimiting social inequality and social polarization in Western society are\naffirmative act programs. As compensatory justice [39], affirmative act programs are aimed at increasing the\nlevel of social integration and strengthening the vertical social mobility of\nlower social groups according to social, racial, national or gender criteria.\nThe policy of limiting social gaps and increasing the economic opportunities of\nlower social groups was used as one of the ways to overcome the Great\nDepression in the 30-s. XX century [30]. US President F. Roosevelt attached great importance to equalizing\nstarting positions as a condition for achieving legal equality, who proposed\nthe adoption of the Second Bill of Rights, dedicated to social rights [45].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Unlike in Great\nBritain, calls are being made to return to the classical principles of\nliberalism in the USA: free competition and equal rights for all individuals,\nwhich imply limiting affirmative act programs as inconsistent\nwith market principles [2; 48].\nCritics of the affirmative acts position see it as an artificial interference in the of social\nprocesses course\ncourse, giving the non-market\nadvantage of one of the social groups. Advocates of affirmative acts [31; 46; 34] see the significant results of affirmative acts as a\ntool to enhance social inclusion, increase the stability of the social system\nand overcome the effects of racial segregation in the world of work and\neducation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The social origin\ncriteria [12], as a condition of social advancement, despite its\nshortcomings, was part of the Soviet policy of affirmative act and contributed\nto a partial equalization of the starting opportunities for representatives of\nhigher and lower social groups [8; 6]. The\nlevel of social inequality, the gap between the incomes of higher and lower\nsocial groups was one of the lowest in the world in the USSR (with a generally\nlow level of income): 4 times in the USSR and about 5.5\u20136 times in European countries, at that time as in the\nUSA, this gap reached 15 times [6].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to the data\nfor 1983, among respondents aged 50\u201359, 82.1 % had a social and professional status higher than\ntheir parents, among respondents 40\u201349\nyears old \u2014 74%, and among 30\u201339 years old \u2014 67%,\nwhich serves as an example of a high level of social progression in the Soviet\nsocial system [22; 23; 12]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Examples of quick\nsocial development: during the USSR industrialization\n[38; 36] and in China from the 1970s to the present [25], they have some common features: large-scale\nactivation of social elevators based on affirmative act policies. Periods of\nrapid social growth in the USSR [14]\ncorrelate with periods of maximum\napplication of the positive discrimination policy and promotion of a high level of vertical social mobility.\nStatistical data allow us to conclude that the policy of stimulating vertical\nsocial mobility can serve as one of the indirect drivers for economic growth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By the time of the\ncollapse, economic growth in the USSR showed a negative value, and the level of\nvertical social mobility also reached a minimum. A policy of affirmative act\nformally existed, but was actually relinquished, a closed social group, the\nhighest social caste formed: the \u201cnomenclature\u201d, which, according to researchers, was one of the\nreasons for the stagnation and collapse of the USSR [3; 11].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As Russia moved to a\nmarket economy, within the liberal concept framework and criticism of the totalitarian past, the forms of\naffirmative acts that existed in the USSR were canceled. Claims that a policy\nof affirmative acts may not be evidence of a return to the past, but a path to\nRussia’s dynamic development are unpopular among researchers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In developed Western\ncountries, they have abandoned the classical understanding of the liberal model\nand don\u2019t consider the rejection of the use of affirmative act as the prospects\nfor the development of the liberal concept, but a form of increasing its\neffectiveness.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Formed in the first\nyears after the collapse of the USSR, in Russian society, the rigidity of a\nhigh level of social inequality and a low level of vertical social mobility has\nremained in Russian society since the 2000s [23; 16; 4], which correlates with a low rate of economic growth\nin Russia [42]. The social\nstratification of Russian society is almost twice as high as the distribution\nof income between the higher and lower social groups compared with those in\nEastern Europe [7].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The gap between the\nhigher and lower social groups in Russian society reaches 15 times, with the\ncontinuing trend of social polarization: a decrease in the disposable income of\nthe lower population groups and an increase in the concentration of income in\nthe higher social group [6; 4].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to some\nresearchers [50], the brain drain,\nRussia’s loss of its human capital due to emigration, the inability of highly\nskilled workers to realize their opportunities for social advancement, has\nbecome one of the most tangible losses of Russia since the collapse of the\nUSSR, seriously limiting its potential for economic growth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite the significant\ndifferences between the programs of affirmative acts in the USSR and in the\nWest, they had a positive effect in terms of social integration, social\nstability and improving the quality of human capital, providing a wider\nrepresentation in the fields of education, science, and the state apparatus of\nrepresentatives of social, gender, national and racial groups that were at the\nlower levels of the social hierarchy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A high level of vertical\nmobility is noted by researchers as one of the main conditions that determine\nlong-term dynamic economic growth [13]. And here the experience of the widespread use of\naffirmative act models aimed at increasing vertical social mobility may be\nin demand in Russia as a way to increase the contribution of lower social\ngroups to social wealth and accelerate social growth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is a relationship\nbetween high levels of social inequality, low levels of vertical social\nmobility and low levels of economic growth, which makes it relevant to analyze\nthe applicability of Western and Soviet models of positive discrimination in\nthe new conditions of modern Russia as one of the ways to reduce social\ninequality, increase vertical social mobility and accelerate economic growth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

RESULTS<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The policy of stimulating vertical social mobility,\nexpanding the prospects for social advancement for lower social groups in\nWestern countries is a significant factor in improving the quality of human\ncapital, increasing civic participation and the contribution of lower social\ngroups to economic growth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is a very high level of social inequality and\ngovernment policy is in demand in Russian society, aimed at increasing social\nintegration, increasing vertical social mobility and reducing social\npolarization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The correlation analysis of the vertical\nsocial mobility level and the level of economic growth in the framework of the\nSoviet and Western experience in using affirmative act models can be useful in\ndetermining the forms of affirmative act in modern Russia. Attention level of Russian researchers and government\ninstitutions to the problem of affirmative act as a factor in reducing social\npolarization and an indirect factor in accelerating economic growth cannot be\nconsidered sufficient.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

CONCLUSION<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The problem\nof the correlation of the vertical social mobility level and the level of\neconomic growth has not been sufficiently studied in Russian and foreign\nresearch literature.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Most Russian and foreign researches of the social inequality problem focus on the analysis\nof economic factors stimulating economic growth, while the analysis of\nincreasing vertical social mobility to reduce social inequality, develop human\npotential and accelerate economic growth is out of the researchers scope.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Trends in low economic growth and an increase in social polarization in\nRussia make it possible to study affirmative act models as a way to reduce\nsocial polarization and increase the contribution of lower social groups to\neconomic growth. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Discussing the\nrelevance of affirmative act models in Russia, Soviet and Western experience\nmerits further research and development. This study can be considered as an\ninvitation to further discussion on the problem of affirmative act as an\nindirect factor in enhancing social integration and stimulating economic growth\nin Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

References<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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    DOI 10.24411\/2413-046\u0425-2019-10225 \u0410\u0441\u043f\u0435\u043a\u0442\u044b \u043f\u0440\u043e\u0431\u043b\u0435\u043c\u044b \u0432\u0435\u0440\u0442\u0438\u043a\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0439 \u043c\u043e\u0431\u0438\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438 \u043a\u0430\u043a \u0444\u0430\u043a\u0442\u043e\u0440\u0430 \u044d\u043a\u043e\u043d\u043e\u043c\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0440\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0430 Aspects of the problem of vertical social mobility as a factor of economic growth \u041a\u043e\u043b\u0438\u043d \u042e\u0440\u0438\u0439 \u0412\u043b\u0430\u0434\u0438\u043c\u0438\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0438\u0447, \u043a\u0430\u043d\u0434\u0438\u0434\u0430\u0442 \u0444\u0438\u043b\u043e\u0441\u043e\u0444\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0445 \u043d\u0430\u0443\u043a, \u0434\u043e\u043a\u0442\u043e\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0442, \u043a\u0430\u0444\u0435\u0434\u0440\u0430 \u0442\u0435\u043e\u0440\u0438\u0438 \u043a\u0443\u043b\u044c\u0442\u0443\u0440\u044b, \u0418\u043d\u0441\u0442\u0438\u0442\u0443\u0442 \u0444\u0438\u043b\u043e\u0441\u043e\u0444\u0438\u0438 \u0438 \u0441\u043e\u0446\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e-\u043f\u043e\u043b\u0438\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0445 \u043d\u0430\u0443\u043a, \u042e\u0436\u043d\u044b\u0439 \u0444\u0435\u0434\u0435\u0440\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u044b\u0439 \u0443\u043d\u0438\u0432\u0435\u0440\u0441\u0438\u0442\u0435\u0442, \u0433. \u0420\u043e\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0432-\u043d\u0430-\u0414\u043e\u043d\u0443, rostovchanin-rostov@rambler.ru Kolin Yuri Vladimirovich, PhD in Philosophy, Doctoral student, the […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"spay_email":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_is_tweetstorm":false},"categories":[145],"tags":[173],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack_shortlink":"https:\/\/wp.me\/p7IyHt-3sW","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/qje.su\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13326"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/qje.su\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/qje.su\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/qje.su\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/qje.su\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=13326"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/qje.su\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13326\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":13327,"href":"https:\/\/qje.su\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13326\/revisions\/13327"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/qje.su\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=13326"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/qje.su\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=13326"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/qje.su\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=13326"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}